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<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n
\n
\nBy Samantha Maloof<\/div>\n
\nFor
\n the past quarter century, Djibouti has flourished as the Horn of
\nAfrica\u2019s most strategic port, serving as a lifeline for landlocked
\nEthiopia\u2019s $3.13 billion in exports at the mouth of the Red Sea and Gulf
\n of Aden. So on the face of it, the Phase 1 opening last month of the
\nChinese funded, multi-billion dollar Djibouti International Free Trade
\nZone (DIFTZ) appears to position the tiny nation as a growing trading
\nhub for the entire East African region. But is that just wishful
\nthinking?<\/div>\n
\n the past quarter century, Djibouti has flourished as the Horn of
\nAfrica\u2019s most strategic port, serving as a lifeline for landlocked
\nEthiopia\u2019s $3.13 billion in exports at the mouth of the Red Sea and Gulf
\n of Aden. So on the face of it, the Phase 1 opening last month of the
\nChinese funded, multi-billion dollar Djibouti International Free Trade
\nZone (DIFTZ) appears to position the tiny nation as a growing trading
\nhub for the entire East African region. But is that just wishful
\nthinking?<\/div>\n
\nThe
\n DIFTZ is a sprawling complex meant to house four industrial clusters
\nspecializing in trade and logistics, export processing, business and
\nfinancial support services, as well as manufacturing and duty-free
\nmerchandise retail. It\u2019s touted to provide employment for tens of
\nthousands and solidify Djibouti\u2019s reputation as a business-friendly
\nplace.<\/div>\n
\n DIFTZ is a sprawling complex meant to house four industrial clusters
\nspecializing in trade and logistics, export processing, business and
\nfinancial support services, as well as manufacturing and duty-free
\nmerchandise retail. It\u2019s touted to provide employment for tens of
\nthousands and solidify Djibouti\u2019s reputation as a business-friendly
\nplace.<\/div>\n
\nThe
\n geopolitical calculations behind China\u2019s generous financing in Djibouti
\n are part of its Belt and Road Initiative, an aggressive economic plan
\ndesigned to open up and create new markets for Chinese goods and
\ntechnology by strengthening the traditional Silk Road trade route. That
\nrationale is rooted in the fact that Ethiopia uses ports in Djibouti for
\n about 95 percent of its external trade and pays around $1.5-2 billion<\/a> in
\n port fees. With the Ethiopian economy growing fast, obtaining better
\naccess to Addis Ababa is a crucial objective for the Chinese leadership.<\/div>\n
\n geopolitical calculations behind China\u2019s generous financing in Djibouti
\n are part of its Belt and Road Initiative, an aggressive economic plan
\ndesigned to open up and create new markets for Chinese goods and
\ntechnology by strengthening the traditional Silk Road trade route. That
\nrationale is rooted in the fact that Ethiopia uses ports in Djibouti for
\n about 95 percent of its external trade and pays around $1.5-2 billion<\/a> in
\n port fees. With the Ethiopian economy growing fast, obtaining better
\naccess to Addis Ababa is a crucial objective for the Chinese leadership.<\/div>\n
\nBut
\n Djibouti should hold the champagne for now. Despite the glowing press
\nreleases, there are at least three major partners who have serious
\nreasons for doubting the trustworthiness of the country\u2019s leaders and
\nits viability as a new axis for regional trade.<\/div>\n
\n Djibouti should hold the champagne for now. Despite the glowing press
\nreleases, there are at least three major partners who have serious
\nreasons for doubting the trustworthiness of the country\u2019s leaders and
\nits viability as a new axis for regional trade.<\/div>\n
\nFirst, many U.S. analysts are expressing concern<\/a> that
\n the DIFTZ is financed by loans from state-backed financial institutions
\n from China, dulling Djibouti\u2019s triumphant expansion as a critical line
\nbetween the export-rich Ethiopia and vital shipping lanes. In East
\nAfrica, the Export-Import Bank of China is the major investor<\/a> in
\n at least eight infrastructure projects, including an ongoing $322
\nmillion water pipeline project from Ethiopia and the $490 million Addis
\nAbaba-Djibouti railway. Yet critics have described<\/a> the Belt and Road Initiative as a method of entrapping poor countries to Beijing as \u201ceconomic vassals.\u201d For instance, a major report<\/a> from
\n the Washington-based Center for Global Development released in March
\ncautions that the Chinese iniatives raise \u201cserious concerns about
\nsovereign debt sustainability in eight countries it funds,\u201d including
\nDjibouti.<\/div>\n
\n the DIFTZ is financed by loans from state-backed financial institutions
\n from China, dulling Djibouti\u2019s triumphant expansion as a critical line
\nbetween the export-rich Ethiopia and vital shipping lanes. In East
\nAfrica, the Export-Import Bank of China is the major investor<\/a> in
\n at least eight infrastructure projects, including an ongoing $322
\nmillion water pipeline project from Ethiopia and the $490 million Addis
\nAbaba-Djibouti railway. Yet critics have described<\/a> the Belt and Road Initiative as a method of entrapping poor countries to Beijing as \u201ceconomic vassals.\u201d For instance, a major report<\/a> from
\n the Washington-based Center for Global Development released in March
\ncautions that the Chinese iniatives raise \u201cserious concerns about
\nsovereign debt sustainability in eight countries it funds,\u201d including
\nDjibouti.<\/div>\n
\nEven
\n more worrisome, Chinese commercial investment in Djibouti has been
\nparalleled by the construction of a major Chinese military base, a mere
\nsix miles from the United States\u2019 long-established Camp Lemonnier \u2014 the
\nonly permanent U.S. military base in Africa. The Chinese base is the
\nfirst outside its borders and gives Beijing a military foothold on the
\nAfrican continent, an outcome that previously led to American political
\nand military leaders<\/a>pressuring the Djibouti government to block the construction of the base. U.S. military experts have expressed concern that a Chinese presence would hinder<\/a> U.S. interests and its counter-terrorism missions, tensions that remain<\/a> as American allies France, Japan and Italy also have bases of various sizes and capabilities in Djibouti.<\/div>\n
\n more worrisome, Chinese commercial investment in Djibouti has been
\nparalleled by the construction of a major Chinese military base, a mere
\nsix miles from the United States\u2019 long-established Camp Lemonnier \u2014 the
\nonly permanent U.S. military base in Africa. The Chinese base is the
\nfirst outside its borders and gives Beijing a military foothold on the
\nAfrican continent, an outcome that previously led to American political
\nand military leaders<\/a>pressuring the Djibouti government to block the construction of the base. U.S. military experts have expressed concern that a Chinese presence would hinder<\/a> U.S. interests and its counter-terrorism missions, tensions that remain<\/a> as American allies France, Japan and Italy also have bases of various sizes and capabilities in Djibouti.<\/div>\n
\nThe
\n second reason: Ethiopia. Until a few months ago, Djibouti represented
\nthe country\u2019s only way to access the sea and, as a stable partner,
\nreaped the benefits of a near-monopoly on thriving Ethiopian trade.
\nWhile ports exist in Sudan, Somaliland, and Eritrea, Djibouti\u2019s
\ndeveloped facilities, political stability and investment-friendly
\natmosphere have proven more attractive than anywhere else in the region.<\/div>\n
\n second reason: Ethiopia. Until a few months ago, Djibouti represented
\nthe country\u2019s only way to access the sea and, as a stable partner,
\nreaped the benefits of a near-monopoly on thriving Ethiopian trade.
\nWhile ports exist in Sudan, Somaliland, and Eritrea, Djibouti\u2019s
\ndeveloped facilities, political stability and investment-friendly
\natmosphere have proven more attractive than anywhere else in the region.<\/div>\n
\nNow, however, a new player is coming to town: according to reports from Bloomberg<\/a>,
\n Eritrea is now mulling building a port on its coastline to export
\npotash from its own mines as well as from Ethiopia. The port will be
\nbased at the Bay of Anfile, close to Eritrea\u2019s potash mine at Colluli,
\nwhich contains large quantities of potash that can be used as
\nfertilizers for fruits, vegetables, and coffee trees. Most
\nsignificantly, the development follows a historic rapprochement between
\nEthiopia and its former province of Eritrea in July, which has left
\nDjibouti scrambling to protect its market share.<\/div>\n
\n Eritrea is now mulling building a port on its coastline to export
\npotash from its own mines as well as from Ethiopia. The port will be
\nbased at the Bay of Anfile, close to Eritrea\u2019s potash mine at Colluli,
\nwhich contains large quantities of potash that can be used as
\nfertilizers for fruits, vegetables, and coffee trees. Most
\nsignificantly, the development follows a historic rapprochement between
\nEthiopia and its former province of Eritrea in July, which has left
\nDjibouti scrambling to protect its market share.<\/div>\n
\nThe third issue: the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Djibouti illegally seized<\/a> a
\n leased port container terminal from the UAE-based DP World company over
\n a dispute dating back to at least 2012. Earlier this month, Dubai
\nsuccessfully sued the Djibouti government in a London-based
\ninternational arbitration court over the seizure. Eyebrows were raised
\nwhen Djibouti issued a statement dismissing the ruling as
\ninconsequential, and the country is now trying to negotiate damages. But
\n the scandal has already cast a shadow<\/a> over Djibouti with potential foreign investors, as large shipping clients such as DP World publicly advocate for an additional 10 to 12 ports<\/a> from Sudan to Somalia and continue to make a number of investments in East Africa, including in Somaliland.<\/div>\n
\n leased port container terminal from the UAE-based DP World company over
\n a dispute dating back to at least 2012. Earlier this month, Dubai
\nsuccessfully sued the Djibouti government in a London-based
\ninternational arbitration court over the seizure. Eyebrows were raised
\nwhen Djibouti issued a statement dismissing the ruling as
\ninconsequential, and the country is now trying to negotiate damages. But
\n the scandal has already cast a shadow<\/a> over Djibouti with potential foreign investors, as large shipping clients such as DP World publicly advocate for an additional 10 to 12 ports<\/a> from Sudan to Somalia and continue to make a number of investments in East Africa, including in Somaliland.<\/div>\n
\nThe
\n Emiratis also have close ties to Eritrea, where they established a
\nnaval base in 2015 that has been used to support the Saudi-led war
\nagainst Houthi rebels in Yemen. And it was the UAE that helped broker a
\npeace deal between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a further indicator that UAE
\nbusinesses may favor Eritrean ports over those in Djibouti.<\/div>\n
\n Emiratis also have close ties to Eritrea, where they established a
\nnaval base in 2015 that has been used to support the Saudi-led war
\nagainst Houthi rebels in Yemen. And it was the UAE that helped broker a
\npeace deal between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a further indicator that UAE
\nbusinesses may favor Eritrean ports over those in Djibouti.<\/div>\n
\nIs
\n Chinese investment in the DIFTZ and other infrastructure projects
\nenough to make up for all of this disruption? Perhaps not. Beijing had
\nalready started to cool on Ethiopia as an investment destination, and if
\n the Ethiopian market finds multiple alternative ports in Eritrea or
\nSomaliland, the promises of a thriving DIFTZ may end up being little
\nmore than hype.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"Djibouti\u2019s \u201cInternational\u201d Free Trade Zone is really just for one country - The Freezone Channel<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/thefreezonechannel.com\/old\/djiboutis-international-free-trade-zone\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Djibouti\u2019s \u201cInternational\u201d Free Trade Zone is really just for one country - The Freezone Channel\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By Samantha Maloof For the past quarter century, Djibouti has flourished as the Horn of Africa\u2019s most strategic port, serving as a lifeline for landlocked Ethiopia\u2019s $3.13 billion in exports at the mouth of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. 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\n Chinese investment in the DIFTZ and other infrastructure projects
\nenough to make up for all of this disruption? Perhaps not. Beijing had
\nalready started to cool on Ethiopia as an investment destination, and if
\n the Ethiopian market finds multiple alternative ports in Eritrea or
\nSomaliland, the promises of a thriving DIFTZ may end up being little
\nmore than hype.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
By Samantha Maloof For the past quarter century, Djibouti has flourished as the Horn of Africa\u2019s most strategic port, serving as a lifeline for landlocked Ethiopia\u2019s $3.13 billion in exports at the mouth of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. So on the face of it, the Phase 1 opening last month of the […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1666,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[129],"class_list":["post-468","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-free-trade","has-post-title","has-post-date","has-post-category","has-post-tag","has-post-comment","has-post-author",""],"yoast_head":"\n